opheliascarlett
版主的毕业论文(懒得翻译)
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The Inheritance and Transformation ofConfucianism as a School of Philosophy
Abstract
Confucius was awise man in many ways. He was a great teacher and thinker. Chinese culturetraditionally refers him as "The Saint" and the Moral Model. However,he is not a systematic philosopher.
As he did notprovide any convincing reasoning, his concepts and theories were explained byfollowers of his that did not agree with each other. It resulted in Confucianismbecoming several philosophy schools that all called themselves Confucianism.Most of them do not really believe in the same theory as Confucius himself. Evidenceof this was shown even in the early days of the Confucianism school. The threepreventatives of the school: Confucius, Mencius, and Hsun Tsu all had differentphilosophical views. However, for the philosophers who had clear and logicalreasoning, they had believers and followers of their original thoughts in everyera like Plato and Aristotle. For Confucius, there were barely people who fullyunderstood his original thoughts in the other time periods of Chinese history.Those who did, obviously was not convinced for they all changed, in a subtleway, the core context.
This paper is areview on the inheritance and Transformation of Confucianism as a school ofPhilosophy by analyzing Confucius' thoughts and comparing it to some laterthinkers from the school.

I. Abrief history of Confucianism
The school ofConfucianism was started by Confucius. He had a system of philosophy,especially ethics; however, for some reasons he did not illustrate them inlogical reasoning. All of the access to his thoughts were through the booksthat he edited and the notes taken by his students.
The school'sname was carried for thousands of years but the content has changed severaltimes starting not long from Confucius's death. There were several importantlater thinkers from the school, but after carefully analyzing their thoughts, Ifeel their relationship with Confucius is closer to the relationship betweenPlato and Aristotle. They were educated by Confucius and they look up to him,however, they are independent thinkers influenced by both Confucius and theircontemporary thoughts.
The core conceptof Confucianism is very government supportive; it was praised highly by most oflater dynasties. It was the main test point in the Imperial Examinations, whichplays an essential role in Chinese history and society even today. As aconsequence, the majority of the Chinese educated population claim to beConfucianists. However, their thoughts have little similarity to Confucius' asto other Chinese philosophy schools like Taoism, Legalism, and ChineseBuddhism. The way they write and connect themselves with Confucius reminds meof how Renaissance artists used Biblical stories to express their aesthetical andpolitical opinions. For these reasons, I will discuss the Neo-Confucianism andthe Legalist who was educated by Confucianism in the one chapter.
II. Confucius
KongZi[1],knownto the western world as Confucius, was the first person in Chinese history toopen a private school for every one eager for knowledge.[2]"There is a difference in instruction but none in kind. "[3] (Confucius n.d.), he said.
From1045 B.C.E. to 770 B.C.E., the Zhou Dynasty was pretty stable. Zhou Gong[4],a very powerful prince in the early days of the dynasty, created a set ofrules, called Li Yue[5],thatcovered everything. Everybody followed them for over 200 years, during whichthe dynasty was under great order. The rules are mostly about manners, such ashow to greet with people from different classes of the society, how to dressappropriately as people from different classes of the society, etc. He almostconcluded every bit of the ceremonies and daily lives. However, after Zheng WuGong[6](King Wu of Zheng, ?-744 B.C.) changed the battle rules between kingdoms,kingdoms became creative, and nobody cared about the rules anymore. Forexample, there were rules about how a person should decorate his room and tombaccording to his class. However, everything discovered from the end of ZhouDynasty was over decorated for their titles.(Hucker 1975) Confucius edited a history book for his birth kingdom, Springs and Autumns[7],that recorded the period from 722 B.C. to 481 B.C.. It became an important Confucianismcanonical text book and people named that time period (770-476 B.C.)after thisbook. As he recorded in the book, in this period there were many patricides orregicide as people fought for power. He thought the reason people went crazy isthat "The ritual music collapse[8]" (Lu n.d.), by which he meant that people areno longer worried about the rules Zhou Gong left, so they went free.
Confucius,believed that the way to go back to the golden age of China is to rebuild thesystems of rules. Zhou Gong’s rules made at the beginning helped keep thedynasty’s reign when the royal house could make people to follow them. As amatter of fact the royal family had already lost their power completely whenthey were forced to move the royal capital in 770 B.C. China was ruled by themost powerful kingdom at the time and this king would hold conferences of kings.Many non-noble people had climbed their ways up. Maybe Confucius wanted to havea definition that anyone could understand that is a respect worthy person if itwas described. Confucius changed the definition of Jun Zi[9](sonof a king) from a noble person into an honorable person. He claimed that allhuman being should try their best to live like a Jun Zi, who has certainvirtues like Human-heartedness[10],Righteousness[11],Chung[12],Shu[13]andKnowing Ming[14].The measure system he created, The Rectification of Names[15]became extremely important in Chinese logics.
Confuciusdid not write anything, but only edited and taught. The books he edited becameclassic Chinese text books for thousands of years such as Springs and Autumns and Ten Wingsof Book of Changes[16].Most of his thoughts we know are from the collection of his students' notes,the Analects[17].He did not give reasoning for his opinions, but based on Analects, everything he did was for theRectification of Names. The concept of Names is very much akin to Plato'sconcept of the Forms. Everything should fit its name and function like its nameand no other. This includes people. He said, "Let the ruler be ruler, theminister minister, the father father, and the son son" (Confucius n.d.)[18].Thus, each person has his duty in the society that he must do, for no otherreason than who he is; as well as things he must never do, for no other reasonthan who he is; this is the virtue of Human-heartedness. Human-heartedness isthe reason of Righteousness. It states that human beings should love the humanspecies. We ought to obey our ruler and our father, so we shall be ruled and beguided rightly, and, thus should we always maintain our position in thesociety, in our own name. Knowing Ming is the same thing as knowing the fate withwhich we are born. But the way to know it is through knowing the name. Byknowing the name, a person will do things that fits his name and never pursueanything that is not. Chung and Shu are talking about "Do not do to otherswhat you do not wish yourself"[19] (Confucius n.d.). This is because of the lovefor humans that a Jun Zi should have that will make sure he maintains hisposition in the society, in his name. That is probably how Confucius reasoned tohis opinions.
Lookingover Confucius' ethic, it is similar to Kant's. Kant built his ethical systemon the universal law. Because of the universal law, every rational being shouldperform the same duty under the same condition and that is the only right thingto do for it is a good will. In order to be a good will, a person should alwaystreat himself and others equally. The concept of Names is like universal law, onlyhere, the emphasis is the societal order. The duty is basically the same asHuman-heartedness and Knowing Ming, also good will as Chung and Shu. Only inKant's language, ethics is based on human reason only, with nothing fromemotions, which sounds cold hearted. Confucius did not give a logical reasoningfor his ethics theory, but in his words, Confucius is emphasizing lovingothers, being virtuous. However, Kant believed in a real equality of everysingle person, when Confucius was teaching all of his three thousand (a verydebatable number) students from every class of society to remember their inbornposition and never try to overcome it. Confucius may have believed that onceall people hold the same value and view of society, it can function like anuniversal law so that China can finally get back to peace as it once had. Thus,he opened a school for anybody came to him.
Oncewe have sorted out Confucius' logical process, we can see there is a conflictthat even though he taught students from every class of the society, he wasteaching them to be who they were born to be. He sees the society as acollection of individuals so he emphasized on teaching his students how to bean honorable person, a Jun Zi. He thought people should love each other andperform as what they meant to be, with what they were born. This way, everyfunctioning person would be added into a balanced society. He was not an egalitarianbut was just playing with words to make people feel good about not trying to bemore than what they were born as. Ironically, he was born poor, though hisbiggest wish of life was to pursue political positions which means he did notsatisfy his life at all. He clearly did not want to stay where he was born buthe was teaching all of his students and all Chinese people born after him to bedutiful when he was the one who said "Do not do to others what you do notwish yourself" (Confucius n.d.)

III. Mencius
Mencius(372-289B.C.) is the one master of Confucianism that is always mentioned with Confuciuswhen one talks about the philosophy of Confucianism.[20]LikeConfucius, he did not write any articles, the book Mencius was the recordings of his teachings and some debateshappened between all kinds of people and him. The era of Mencius was a time ofContending. The Warring States era was the period in Chinese history whendozens of philosophical thoughts emerged , a broad spectrum of ideas rangingfrom the most concrete to the most abstract, from the most practical to themost theoretical (Hucker 1975). WhenMencius continued Confucius' work, he had to debate Mohists, Taoists and manyothers. This claim became the core of Confucianism to support this, "The principlesof the higher education consist in preserving man's clear character, in givingnew life to the people, and in dwelling (or resting) in perfection, or theultimate good."[21] (Tsu-su n.d.) All of the disciples, includingMencius, gave their own logical ways to prove that Confucius was the onephilosopher that ought to be the greatest teacher, for he was believed to beabsolutely right.
Menciusorganized Confucius' thoughts and started using logical terms. As a follower,he also believed in virtues like Human-heartedness, Righteousness, Chung, Shu andknowing Ming. For example, he said “I like fish, but I also like bear’s paw,but if I can’t have both at the same time, I will forego the fish and eat thebear’s paw. I love life, but I also love righteousness, and if I can’t haveboth at the same time, I will sacrifice life to have righteousness.” [22](Mencius n.d.) .He also said, “Everythingis destiny(ming). A men should accept obediently what is correct [in one'sdestiny]. Therefore, he who knows destiny does not stand beneath a precipitouswall. Death sustained in the course of carrying out the Way to the limit is dueto correct destiny. But death under handcuffs and fetters is not due to correctdestiny”[23](Menciusn.d.) He believed that all man were born with no bad, but only good elementsamong other elements. Guidance is needed, since the elements other than goodrepresents the animal side of human, and these will turn to desires that willultimately turn to evil (Fung 1952) . He said, “In years of prosperity, most of theyoung people are well behaved, and in bad years, most of the young people turnto violence. This is not due to a difference in their natural endowments fromHeaven, but because something has happened to lead their hearts astray”[24](Menciusn.d.) . In order to suppress those elements, we need to enlarge the human part,the good part, of ourselves. That is, we must enlarge the love for all of the humanrace, and we turn that love into guarding the rules of the society, Li Yue. (Fung 1952)
For the era hadchanged, by the time of Mencius, and it was very common for kings to be placedby violence; Mencius claimed that it is right to do so, if there is a goodreason, such as the king was not functioning like a king and thus he does notfit the name of a king, and so is not a king.(Mencius n.d.) Though it seems like he has successfully defended"Let the ruler be ruler, the minister minister, the father father, and theson son" (Confucius n.d.), actuallyhe created a huge hole in the system. He said "The people are the mostimportant element (in a start); the spirits of the land and grain aresecondary; and the sovereign is the least."[25] (Mencius n.d.) As a matter of fact, hundredsof people claimed that their king or even empire did not fit the name of aruler so they can go take their place and fit the name to themselves. They didnot have this excuse before Mencius, and they would be considered traitors byConfucianism. But after Mencius, they now have a reason and Confucius himselfsaid, "Statements only stand when the name were fit, and things only gowell when statements stand"[26]. (Confucius n.d.)
About the sametime, Aristotle also used logic to prove that there is an animal side of humans,but he thought that this side, in a certain amount, is good. Human beings needto control it, but still, not abandon it. Mencius was strict that humans shouldcontrol the animal side and use only their human side which is completelyrational to follow the rules, even if it tells you to kill your loved[27]ones or even yourself[28].
Compared toConfucius, Mencius is more practical. He did not insist the system to go backto how it exactly was. However, he also changed the core concept, which issocial position. For Confucius, people are the basic elements of the society,but they function in families, and a kingdom is controlled by one family,helped by other families who will continue their job at the same position as thegenerations flow. Every person was born with a name, a family name, and it ishis duty to fit that name. However, ever since Partition of Jin(376B.C.)[29],it was common for ministers to replace rulers and sons to replace fathers. Menciusdid not witness this happen, as a result, the state had similar history allturned out to be a little better than the previous one. Also the original kingof Chou also killed the last king of Shang to replace him. Thus, for Menciusand most people at his time, names come with the position, whoever is in thatposition would have the name. Which family this person came from was no longeras important.

IV. HsunTsu
After Mencius,Hsun Tzu used a completely opposite logic to prove the same argument "Theprinciples of the higher education consist in preserving man's clear character,in giving new life to the people, and in dwelling (or resting) in perfection,or the ultimate good." (Hsun-Tsu n.d.)He believes that people were born with only bad elements that are rude and irrational.To become a Jun zi, they need to live in a society and be trained to follow itsrules, Li Yue. Li Yue will purify the wild souls to civilization.
Unlike Mencius,Hsun Tsu thought emotions are not just the animal side, but important for humanlife, for if we do not express emotions, they will stay in and block our soulfrom being civilized. (Hsun-Tsu n.d.) Toexpress the emotion, but not in an animal like way, we have ceremonies, whichis a part of Li Yue. (Hsun-Tsu n.d.) Healso redefined names as a man-made changing concept. The current concept of aname is defined by the whole society. (Hsun-Tsun.d.) The logic has been refined but harder to apply, especially in amonarchial society. In some way, he used Li Yue as a kind of law, his origin ofLi is like Hobbes' origin of law:
From whathave the rules of proper conduct (li) originated? the answer is that man atbirth has desires. When these desires are not satisfied, he cannot remainwithout seeking their satisfaction. When this seeking for satisfaction iswithout measure or limit, there can only be contention. When there iscontention there will be disorder; when there is disorder, everything will bedestroyed. The early kings hated this disorder, and so they established therules of proper conduct (li) and standards of justice (Yi) so as to set limitsto this confusion, to satisfy men's desires, and give opportunity for thissatisfaction, in order that desires should not be stretched to the breakingpoint by things, nor things be used up by desires; that both these two shouldmutually support one another and so continue to exist. This is how the Lioriginated"[30] (Hsun-Tsu n.d.)
Also he valuedthe importance of law:
Thereforethe nature of a thousand or then thousand men are as those of one man. The beginningof Heaven and Earth were as the present day. The ways of hundred (early) kingsare as those of the later kings. The prince who examines the way of the laterkings, and then talks about what happened before these various kings, is likeone who discusses like a courtier. To extend abroad the threads of goodmanners(li) and standards of justice(yi), to make clear the distinctionsbetween right and wrong, to bring the important things of the whole countryinto one control, and to rue the masses within the seas, is like directing asingle person. Thus the scope of what one holds is narrow, but theaccomplishment is great. A five inch food-rule is the proper standard for theentire world. Hence the true ruler does not leave his hall, yet hisaccomplishments satisfy the sentiments of all people within the seas. This isbecause he has the proper way to do it."[31] (Hsun-Tsu n.d.)
That was why histwo most outstanding students did not pursue Confucianism, they became therepresentatives of legalism.
One otherdifference between Hsun-Tsu and earlier Confucius scholars was that he did notbelieve in destiny.
Heaven has aconstant regularity of activity. It did not exist for the sake of Yao nor ceaseto exist for the sake of Chieh. Respond to it with misgovernment, and calamitywill result....hence to understand the distinction between Heaven and man: thisis to be a great man. To make complete without acting (wu wei), and to obtainwithout seeking: this is what is meant by the activities of Heaven. Being likethis, although it is deep, man will not give deep thought to it; althoughmysterious, he will not scrutinize it: this is what is meant by refraining fromcontesting in one's activities with Heaven. Heaven has its seasons, Earth hasits material resources, man has his government. This is what is meant (when itis said that man) is able to form a trinity (with Heaven and Earth). To give upthat wherewith one can form such a trinity, and to desire that with which oneforms the trinity, is to be led into error.[32] (Hsun-Tsu n.d.)
Even as a part of the universe,human life and the universe is not so connected. Man can control their owndestiny. At this point, Confucianism does not have any belief that people bornto their position should stay with that until death.

V. HanFei Zi and Neo Confucianism
For me, this isthe end of Confucianism, however, for better control of the empire, allfollowing dynasties wanted the whole nation to study Confucianism so they wouldfollow the golden rule of "Let the ruler be ruler, the minister minister,the father father, and the son son"(Confucius n.d.) and never fight. Later we had the two schools of Neo-Confucianismdebating "In terms of Western philosophy, it was one as the whether thelaws of nature are or are not legislated by the mind or Mind." (Fung 1952) Confucius was playing with wordsto protect the upper class' profit; Mencius and Hsun Tsu were trying to findlogic for his thesis, but Neo-Confucianism was playing with Confucius' andMencius' word to prove their own opinion using their own logic. So I ratherthink of them as two completely new schools that have nothing to do withConfucianism, which was fighting for the system of names.
As Hsun-Tsu'sstudents, Han Fei Zi and Li Si did not became a Confucianism scholar. They turnedout to be Legalists. Legalism was not a school, it was certain thinkers that werelater being grouped up since they all valued the importance of law. Han Fei Ziis even considered the peak of the Legalists. In his theory, like his teacher, hebelieved that human nature needs to be ruled so the society can be justifiedinstead of being influenced by personal emotions. He also adopted concepts andtheories from other schools like Taoism. He saw the country as a whole made ofall people of it instead of personal belonging of the royalty like Confucius. (Hughes 1971) From Confucius to Han Fei Zi,the philosophy became almost completely opposite. And the original Confucianismwas not picked up until Tung Chung-shu of Han Dynasty, which I believe was apurely political action so that China is ruled by one royal family again. Tocontinue this controlling of power, Confucius' ethics theory is very efficient.

VI. Conclusion
Confucius was awise man, he was right about many of things and he was a great teacher. Weshould always remember how hard he tried to protect Chinese traditional cultureand always remember his words about how to be nice to people and how to be agood scholar. But was he a good philosopher? I could not agree, because he didnot provide any convincing logical reasoning to support his arguments. Hisargument even was not clear before Tsu Su. As well as I could not agree withhim as a good politician, the old system was not working anymore for a reasonand it is not realistic that bringing it back could solve all of the problems.Hsun Tsu's disciple, one of the best legalists, Han Fei Tzu once said, "Therefore affairs go according to their time, and preparations are made inaccordance with affairs." (Han-Fei-Tsun.d.)[33]

Bibliography
Confucius. TheAnalects of Confucius.
Fung, Yu-Lan. Ashort history of Chinese Philosophy. Princeton University Press, 1952.
Han-Fei-Tsu.Han-Fei-Tsu.
Hsun-Tsu.Hsun-Tsu.
Hucker, Charles.China's Imperial Past. California: Stanford University Press, 1975.
Hughes, E. R.Chinese Philosophy in Classical Times. London: J. M. Dent& Sons LTD., 1971.
Lu, You. 書郭崇韜傳後.
Mencius.Mencius.
Tsu-su. Da xue.


[1]孔子

[2]萬世師表

[3]有教無類

[4]周公,姬旦

[5]禮樂

[6]鄭武公

[7]春秋

[8]禮樂崩壞

[9]君子,often translated as the superior man

[10], translated by FungYu-Lan

[11], translated by FungYu-Lan

[12], translated by FungYu-Lan

[13], translated by FungYu-Lan

[14]知命, translated by FungYu-Lan

[15]正名, translated by FungYu-Lan

[16]易經, translated by Chan Wing-Tsit

[17]論語

[18]君君臣臣父父子子, translated byFung Yu-Lan

[19]己所不欲勿施於人

[20]孔孟之道

[21]大學之道在明明德在親民在止於至善

[22]魚,我所欲也,熊掌亦我所欲也。二者不可得兼,舍魚而取熊掌者也。生,本我所欲也,義亦我所欲也。二者不可得兼,舍生而取義者也。Translated by Lin Yutang

[23]莫非命也,顺受其正;是故知命者不立乎岩墙之下。尽其道而死者,正命也;桎梏死者,非正命也。Translatedy by Wing-Tsit Chan

[24]富岁子弟多赖,凶岁子弟多暴,非天之降才尔殊也,其所以陷溺其心者然也。Translated by Lin Yutang

[25]民为贵,社稷次之,君为轻,translated by Fung Yu-Lan

[26]名不正則言不順言不順則事不成

[27]大義滅親

[28]捨身取義

[29]三家分晋:The State of Jin was divided into three states by three ministers ofthe state.

[30] 禮起於何也?...是禮之所起也。translated by Fung Yu-Lan

[31] 故千人万人之情,一人之情是也...則操術然也。translated by Fung Yu-Lan

[32] 天道有常,不為堯存……唯聖人為不求知天。translatedby Fung Yu-Lan

[33]是以聖人不期修古,不法常可,論世之事,因為之備。

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淮上有秋山
关于《子不语》的一个问题
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看到《子不语》里面的一节《两神相殴》,感觉挺有意思的

里面有一个词叫 理不胜数

不太懂,原文如下

理是什么,数是什么,理是道理,数是命数吗

有没有看过的朋友解答一下

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上法王
自己的毕业论文:论曹唐的游仙诗
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曹唐,字尧宾,生卒年不详,桂州临桂(今广西省桂林市临桂区)人,初曾为道士,还俗后屡举进士不中,后为邵州、容管的使府从事。工诗文,与杜牧、李远等友善。
曹唐的诗歌创作成就主要集中体现在其游仙诗创作之上。据笔者统计,在《全唐诗》辑录曹唐所创作的诗歌为卷64〇和卷64一的二卷中,共有诗歌一百五十一首,其中游仙诗一百二十一首,加上散佚和最近发现的约有一百三十首之多。事实上,曹唐的游仙诗不仅在数量和质量上都是值得称道的。
80年代以来尽管对于曹唐诗作的研究进入了黄金期,取得了相较于之前更为丰富和辉煌的成就,但还是仅限于曹唐游仙诗的整体感知以及对其作品(主要是游仙诗)和诗人本人的考证和考据,对于曹唐其他诗作的重视度不够,忽视了曹唐其他诗作与其游仙诗之间的紧密联系和相互影响,从而使得对曹唐其人其诗有一个完整全面的认识。
一、曹唐的游仙诗创作很大程度上受到其生平经历的影响,在史书对于曹唐记载甚少的情况下,有必要关注曹唐游仙诗之外的其他诗作,而这方面通常是其他学者不够重视甚至忽略掉的环节,我们在研究曹唐的游仙诗时,也应该去考察他的其他诗作,并从中获取关于其生平事迹的重要信息。
二、关于影响曹唐游仙诗的思想,根据史书记载,曹唐早年曾为道士,还俗后屡举进士不中,后为诸使府从事。从他的这段经历可以看出,从曹唐游仙诗中可以体现出的绝不仅仅只有出世无为的道家思想和虚无缥缈的道教教义,儒家入世思想也占据着重要地位,而这些,在他的其他诗作中体现得更为明显,然而这些考虑到的实在不多。
所以,本研究意在对上述不足之处进行补充,对于曹唐游仙诗的研究,不再仅仅只限于那一百三十首游仙诗本身,还要将曹唐的其他诗作一并考察,尤其是那些记述了作者本人生平活动的诗作,值得特别注意。然而,有关这方面的研究仍未得到足够重视。
基于如上的思考和认识,我尝试以曹唐的《大游仙诗》、《小游仙诗》为出发点和落脚点,以他的其他诗作创作为补充点和拓展点,对曹唐的游仙诗创作进行综合性的考察和研究。
曹唐游仙诗的思想内容、作品特征及其反映出的诗人对游仙诗的发展是本研究的内在框架,而理解曹唐诗歌创作以及对诗人本身的完整认识是本研究的根本旨归。
曹唐游仙诗思想内容
将曹唐游仙诗分为大小两类是长久以来被人们所广泛认同的分类方法,其依据的标准是曹唐游仙诗体裁的不同。《大游仙诗》共十七首,一律为七言律诗,《小游仙诗》九十八首,则皆是七言绝句。而“大小”之分仅指字数多寡,别无他意。
从题目上来看,《大游仙诗》在组织性和条理性方面要优于《小游仙诗》。《大游仙诗》以道教传说为蓝本,用题目分割情节写入诗中,相较于《小游仙诗》的散乱无章,组织更加严密,显得条理性更强。就现存的《大游仙诗》来说,《张硕重寄杜兰香》和《玉女杜兰香下嫁于张硕》两首游仙诗,取材于《晋书·曹毗传》中仙女杜兰香下嫁凡人张硕之事,虽然可能因为时代久远流传过程中存在缺失情况,但仍然很完整地展现了整个故事情节,与之前的游仙诗相对比,曹唐在诗中展现了更多个人的真情实感。
如果说《大游仙诗》表现了曹唐高超的故事改编能力的话,那么《小游仙诗》体现的就是曹唐在想象能力方面的出类拔萃。可以这样说,《大游仙诗》代表了曹唐生存于这个世界世俗化的那一方面,《小游仙诗》就展现了曹唐作为道士和文人的双重身份,与其他人的不同方面。本章就对曹唐游仙诗的思想内容方面结合它的具体作品加以分析。
(一)追求仙人生活,羡慕长生
游仙诗作为一种文学形式,它就是因为人们对于仙人美好生活的想象和对个人长生不老的期盼在诗歌中表达出来而产生而后逐渐发展壮大的。“追慕仙人”是游仙诗的长久以来的永恒主题。有过道士经历的曹唐在这方面的渴求和其他创作游仙诗的诗人相比更加强烈。如这首《汉武帝将候西王母下降》:
“昆仑凝想最高峰,王母来乘五色龙。
歌听紫鸳犹缥缈,语来青鸟许从容。
风回水落三清月,漏苦霜传五夜钟。
树影悠悠花悄悄,若闻箫管是行踪。”[1] 7337
首联写西王母居住的场所是“昆仑”“最高峰”和来到世间时乘坐的交通工具“五色龙”,开始就写出了仙境之远离人世,极为神奇;颔联写西王母来临之前有“紫鸳”和“青鸟”歌唱报信;颈联写“西王母下降”之晚和汉武帝苦等之久;尾联以环境衬托汉武帝在等待西王母之时渴望的心境。在这首诗里面,作者曹唐将自己对于神仙生活和长生不老的祈求和盼望化用道教传说中的汉武帝与西王母故事,以汉武帝一个等待者的视角表现出来。神仙生活在仙山之巅,象征着仙道距离凡人之遥远,而“五色龙”、“紫鸳”、“青鸟”这些五彩斑斓不同于人间所能看到的种类或者根本不会出现在世间的意象使人感觉到仙界之神奇,着些意象显然不是仙界的所有,只是被提取出来当成代表物用来制造仙界吸引力的,世间常见之鸟类披上了不会出现在它身上的色彩,不存在于人世的想象物也非人们平常想象,使得人们特别是自己更能感受到仙界的奇特瑰丽,更容易对神仙生活产生向往之意,在这样的基础上,诗人产生联想,想象出有这样奇特物种的仙界还有许许多多这样神奇美丽的事物,在人间是不可能见到更不要说进行体验了。而俗话说“人杰地灵”,仙界环境如此美妙,生活在其中的仙人们定不会像凡人一样,不仅没有生命的长度,就生命密度而言也是泛善可陈的。拥有相较于凡人而言是“与天地同寿”的漫长寿命和在这生命里面无数不同于尘世优于世人神奇美好的体验,怎么不令人羡慕,怎么不令人激发心中的追求欲望?但毕竟仙凡有别,相隔其中的远远不止空间方面遥远的距离,时间方面更是难熬,更不要说那可望而不可求的“机遇”。然而,只要你拥有了那一份机遇,距离和时间都不成问题。就好像诗中的汉武帝,有了和西王母相见的机会,足足等了一夜,等到身体难以支撑产生了精神恍惚,把若有若无远处传来的“箫管”都当成了是西王母的行踪。曹唐通过写汉武帝对于西王母“下降”的如痴如狂的等待,表达出个人内心对于以西王母为代表的仙道的热切期望。
在《小游仙诗》中也有例证。如其三:
“骑龙重过玉溪头,红叶还春碧水流。
省得壶中见天地,壶中天地不曾秋。”[1]7346
此处描写的是成为神仙之后的生活。首先不用自己安步当车,而是有了“龙”这样一种只会出现在神话传说里面的想象动物作为自己的坐骑。呈现之后故地重游,发现以前看见的景物已经大不相同,再和仙境中的景物进行对比,一个是常有变化一个是常年不变,衬托出仙境之与人间大不相同,凸显仙境之优于人间,从而寄托自己对于得道升仙的盼望。
如其十:
“白石山中自有天,竹花藤架隔溪烟,
朝来洞口围棋了,赌得青龙值几钱。”[1]7346
此处仙境不是和其他仙境一样和人间相距甚远,而是直接在人间山川之间的“洞天”。“竹花藤架隔溪烟”,在环境和布置方面,这个“洞天仙境”看上去和人间没什么不同,然而仔细一看,仙人们用作围棋胜者的彩头居然是“青龙”,而且在他们看来,这种人间看来的神异之物作用就和人间的果子一样是可以随手拿来作为赌注甚而换钱。这样的潇洒之举,是曹唐所孜孜追求的生活。
曹唐被收入《全唐诗》的作品据笔者统计有一百三十六首,除去大、小游仙诗一共一百一十五首外,他所创作的其他体裁的诗歌只有区区二十一首。然而就这二十一首非游仙诗中,也有关于游仙诗主题的部分。如《仙都即景》:
“黄帝登真处,青青不记年。
孤峰应碍日,一柱自擎天。
石怪长楼鹤,云闲若有仙。
鼎湖看不见,零落数枝莲。”[1] 7337
这首诗全篇写的是道教传说中的著名人物也是中华人文初祖的轩辕黄帝在鼎湖山龙驭登仙的传说。首联感叹传说中黄帝登仙的地方已经长满青草不知何年。颔联描写周围风景。颈联写出周围环境清幽,好似有仙人居住。尾联又是感叹黄帝在此修炼的鼎湖山无法窥见原貌,只有孤独的几枝莲花。曹唐通过感叹着道教圣地虽有仙气残留,仍然今不如昔的现状,通过对比,使联想到黄帝登真盛况的诗人自己感受到无法再现这样的盛大场面,也不可能会像传说中一样的黄帝群臣牵着龙须上天成仙,天上仙境的美好和成仙的难度之大,更加坚定了曹唐想要追求到神仙生活的信心,对他的欲望产生了增强效果。
() 逃离尘世烦恼,创设仙境
曹唐对于仙境和仙人生活的追求,不只是因为仙人能够长生久视,更是因为传说中的仙境或者与人世间的距离遥远,或者用仙界方法隐藏起来,常人不可能见到,总而言之就是仙境能够将其中的仙人和事物同外界干扰隔离开来,营造出了一种外在空间,“跳出三界外,不在五行中”,从而摆脱了客观事物的干扰,能够自由自在享受生活。
如《仙子洞中有怀刘阮》:
“不将清瑟理霓裳,尘梦那知鹤梦长。
洞里有天春寂寂,人间无路月茫茫。
玉沙瑶草连溪碧,流水桃花满涧香。
晓露风灯零落尽,此生无处访刘郎。”[1]7338
表面上是写“洞天仙境”“化外空间”的仙女思念刘阮,实际上是写曹唐对于洞中美好生活的期盼。“洞中有天”和“人间无路”形成鲜明对比,在洞中能够无拘无束生活快乐滋味悠长,而在“人间”因为有太多的俗事干扰,居然到了无路可走的地步。曹唐明里描写仙凡相恋,实际上是为自己用想象力在头脑中创造了一个虚幻的“避难”空间,借以安放自己的痛苦心灵,达到心理平衡的目的。
再如《刘阮洞中遇仙子》:
“天和树色霭苍苍,霞重岚深路渺茫。
云实满山无鸟雀,水声沿涧有笙簧。
碧纱洞里乾坤坦,红树枝前日月长。
愿得花间有人出,不令仙犬吠刘郎”[1]7338
在这里,曹唐描写了刘阮的一次奇遇。在山上游玩,忽然走进了一处云深雾罩的地方,没有鸟雀杂音却有美妙的乐声,环境优美植物茂盛,还有预示着有人居住的“仙犬”。奇遇必然是遇到了神奇的地方,曹唐在这里用“奇遇”这样的手段,“误打误撞”到他自己为自己建造的庇护所,一个为了躲避国家日渐衰落,世道日渐艰难,生活日渐痛苦的自己所在的清静之地。这不是直白地抒发自己的向往之情,而是在奇趣中隐含向往,更能显现出仙境作用之大。
纵观曹唐一生,他的人生经历用古代标准来衡量,肯定不会是成功的,他的前途是暗淡的,他的生活时不得意的,他的灵魂时时处在痛苦的煎熬之中。曹唐的游仙诗创作正是为了缓解这种痛苦。他用虚幻的仙境来麻痹自己,使之暂时忘记伤痛,用自己的艺术创作,虚无化了人生烦恼和痛苦,在心灵层面上用逃避的方式自我疗伤,从而在间接意义上肯定了自己在当时标准下的失败人生尚有可取之处,忘却之前的诸多不顺,使得自己的受到重压的心理能够得到片刻喘息的机会。事实上,他通过游仙诗这样的一种文学体裁达到了他这样的一个目的。
(三)刻画理想社会,讽喻现实
游仙诗所展现的空间以现实生活为蓝本而又是对现实生活的极度美化。曹唐在营造仙界美好的时候将自己的理想寄托于其中,也就是在自己的内心世界里面创造出了一个完全个人理想化的社会,表达出自己对于社会生活的理想化要求而又对现实生活进行讽喻。
如《小游仙诗》第十八:
“洞里烟霞无歇时,洞中天地足金芝。
月明朗朗溪头树,白发老人相对棋。”[1]7347
曹唐就把自己对于理想社会的想象通过对仙境的描写展现出来。在这个仙境中,首先是优美的环境,“烟霞”美景时时在眼前展现,还有“足金芝”这样人间难得一见道教中的天材地宝在这里生长,可见其优于人间之多。更加重要的是在这样环境中的平静生活,写完了白天接着写晚上明月初升,在溪头树边,有两位老人相对而坐,闲适自在下着棋。没有具体描仙境的平和,而是通过几个镜头和连续片段从侧面反映出来。与当时曹唐生活的社会现状相对比,乱世之中人们生存朝不保夕,我们就会明白这份安宁和平静是多么难得。这也正是当时人们所要求的理想社会。
又如《小游仙诗》第三十一:
“鹤不西飞龙不行,露乾云破洞箫清。
少年仙子说闲事,遥隔彩云闻笑声。”[1]7348
在曹唐营造的仙境中,环境是美好的,每个人到每个事物都是安闲自在的,就像这首诗里面,开头写仙鹤翔龙既不西行也不飞,只有远处传来的清彻的洞箫之声,这就设下了悬念,是什么让这些动物都停下了脚步?紧接着揭开谜底,是一位少年仙人在讲说故事(“说闲事”),其吸引力之强,从人身上延展到了其他生物之上;其故事之有趣,使他的听众开怀大笑,笑声隔着彩云都能听到。这首诗与上面第十八首联系起来看,在不经意间就把人们的思绪带回到陶渊明的《桃花源记》,让人很自然地就联想到其中的“黄发垂髫,并怡然自乐”,以此将仙境与世外桃源联系在一起,说明了曹唐的理想社会就是像桃花源一样“不知有汉,无论魏晋”,超脱了世间朝代更迭,没有像现实生活饱受战火纷扰,村民们生活安详,这些反应了曹唐和其同时代人朴素的社会理想。而就这样简单的希求都不能得到实现,从简单愿望的难以实现我们可以看到现实的残酷,强有力地讽刺了现实生活中昏聩无能的统治者和世道的不正不公。
如《小游仙诗》第三十四首:
“天上邀来不肯来,人间双鹤又空回。
秦皇汉武死何处,海畔红桑花自开。”[1]7348
秦始皇和汉武帝是中国历史上有名的拥有治国理政卓越才能的君主,他们治下国家一统国力强盛,然而另一方面他们又有崇信方士追求仙道渴望长生的一面。曹唐这首诗歌的角度是一个修道有成长留于世的仙人,既不应上界天庭的邀请飞天登真(“天上邀来”),又不听从“洞天仙境”仙友远离尘世(“人间双鹤”),而是在人世间默默关注。在他看来,秦皇汉武的求仙之途都是徒劳无功的,花费了大量民脂民膏,到头来甚至连身死何处都不知晓,只有“海畔红桑花”自顾自地照常开放按时凋谢。最后一句尤为讽刺,历史上创下无数丰功伟绩的君主只因不能明辨自身及环境胡乱求仙,身后之事无比凄凉,甚至连一株草木都不能比过,这不能不说是对现实生活中统治者们的强烈讽刺。
曹唐游仙诗特征
曹唐以游仙诗创作在游仙诗发展史上所取得的成就是能与游仙诗创作的另一大家郭璞能够相提并论的。就专门创作游仙诗的诗人而言,郭璞是一位伟大的开创者,而曹唐,则是游仙诗的集大成者。其内容及其体现出思想特色鲜明独到,艺术特色“瑰奇美丽“。都表明了其成就。下面就分为两个部分具体论述其内容特征和技法特征。
(一)曹唐游仙诗的内容特征1 神仙世界和仙人群体的具象化
《唐才子传》中记载曹唐《大游仙诗》有五十首而至今现存十七首,大部分都不知所踪,缺少详备资料无法进行考察,因而考察对象是为《小游仙诗》九十八首。
曹唐《小游仙诗》创作受到当时社会格律诗流行的影响,都是七言绝句,因为与古体诗存在不小差异,最主要是有字数和篇幅的限制。所以曹唐在创作之时,不像古体诗对神仙世界和神仙游览行处进行详细刻画,而是着重于环境观感和仙人行为举止的描摹。曹唐在刻画时,采用了传统中国绘画的含蓄手法,关注点不在事物和人物本身,而是旁敲侧击,在他处着笔,间接体现事物特征和人物行为。这样的方法使得诗歌和绘画相通,韵味十足。如“玄洲草木不知黄,甲子初开浩劫长。 无限万年年少女,手攀红树满残阳。”(其二)[1]7346写仙境独立于外界环境,没有直接写,而是以草木和人物表现侧面烘托,更能凸显仙境奇妙;再如“冰屋朱扉晓未开,谁将金策扣琼台。碧花红尾小仙犬,闲吠五云嗔客来。”(其十三)[1]7347将视角集中在某些瞬间和一些片段,“仙犬闲吠”是写声音,实际上还是为了衬托无声,这是一种反向加强。向人们呈现出了一个不同于人们所生活的人世之间的喧嚣杂乱而是安宁静谧的仙境。曹唐在继承前人或优美或奇丽的语言基础上,还发展创造了属于自己的语言特色。尤其是在游仙诗中借助于自己瑰丽奇特的想象,采用了一种身在现场全程直观的目击证人视角,对仙人生活和仙界环境的描写细致到了各种方面都有涉及,包罗万象、细大不捐,用文字建成了一个完善的以世俗世界相对应而又将世间痛苦和丑陋部分全面剔除的美好仙界,读者读来会有身临其境的奇妙感觉,这使得曹唐在后世人们的印象里得到了与游仙诗在先唐时代的代表诗人郭璞平起平坐的地位。
2 仙人世界和凡人世界的交互相融
曹唐游仙诗中有关仙境和仙人生活的描写,并不是和其他诗人一样只是宣扬仙境生活的清新脱俗,在他笔下,仙境是理想化的人间,仙人生活有着之前游仙诗不曾有过的世俗化特征。在《小游仙诗》中尤为突出。
如其十五:
“白石山中自有天,竹花藤叶隔(一作满)溪烟。
朝来洞口(一作里)围棋了,赌得青龙直几钱。”[1]7347
在诗人想象的仙人居住的地方,居然和人世间相差无几。房屋靠近溪水,人间常见种在家前屋后的竹、花、藤同人间一般种在原处。仙人们的娱乐生活也是下棋逗乐,除了最后一句里面的彩头是人间不可能存在的,其他的所有,简直就是人间盛世中没有战乱的自在生活。
又如其十七:
“玉诏新除沈侍郎,便分茅土镇东方。
不知今夕游何处,侍从皆骑白凤凰。”[1]7347
描写的是仙界宫廷分封官职的情景。同人间朝廷给与官员任命一样的程序,从下达诏书到规定职责再到分配侍从,显然就是曹唐所知道或者所曾见到或者听人讲述的现实任官的生动写照。
再如其二十三:
“玉皇赐妾紫衣裳,教向桃源嫁阮郎。
烂煮琼花劝君吃,恐君毛鬓暗成霜。”[1]7347
在一个仙女的角度,玉皇让自己嫁给情郎,还特别准备了新服,一个人间常有的嫁女儿的父亲形象跃然纸上,值得注意的是,这里体现出来的不只是人间情景的再现,仙人们也具有了世人的情感。准备新服寄托了玉皇希望仙女生活幸福,而仙女下嫁凡人之后又将仙界琼花煮予情郎吃,为的是能让情郎和自己一样长生不老,不要再时间摧残下逐渐老去,留自己一人孤独终老,展现了热切的男女之爱。
再如其七十:
“东皇长女没多年,从洗(一作洒)金芝到水边。
无事伴他棋一局,等闲输却卖花钱。”[1]7350
这篇是个写的是仙界一位卖花仙女,看见水边“洗金芝”的“东皇”,想到他的女儿已经没有了很多年,为了排解他的孤独和寂寞,和他下棋,就算把自己辛辛苦苦卖花得来的钱都输光也在所不惜。在这里,仙人们被描写成了拥有人间善良心灵的可爱人物,如果将场景改换成人间,“东皇”就像是一个失去女儿的孤苦老人,独自一人在水边洗东西,善良的卖花女不忍看见这样凄苦的场景,主动放水逗老人开心。展现出以往高高在上的仙人们也有常人所有的恻隐之心,卖花仙女的善良举动不禁令人动容,这也从一个侧面写出了仙界生活的美好和仙人心境的良善。钟嵘的《诗品》在评价郭璞游仙诗时是是这样表现的:“宪章潘岳,文体相辉,彪炳可玩。始变永嘉平淡之体,故称中兴第一。《翰林》以为诗首。但《游仙》之作,词多慷慨,乖远玄宗。而云:‘柰何虎豹姿。’又云:‘戢翼栖榛梗。’乃是坎壈咏怀,非列仙之趣也。”他将游仙诗分为“坎壈咏怀”和“列仙之趣”两种。“坎壈咏怀”就是像李白“且放白鹿青崖间,须行即骑访名山。安能摧眉折腰事权贵,使我不得开心颜!”(《梦游天姥吟留别》)一类借游仙之体抒己思想情感的作品,后者即是那些描写作者想象世界中虚拟化的仙人仙界景象,并不与诗人现实生活和实际境遇发生直接关系的“游仙”之作。曹唐游仙诗的主要表达范围是“列仙之趣”。但是在曹唐的游仙诗中,表现方式为“列仙之趣”的创作思想并不是之前目标设定为以排遣无聊追异猎奇的,而是在深刻积淀了凡间种种丰富内容而自然勃发出的“对自然力的幻想和个人欲望底无限制的延长。”(王瑶《中古文学史论·小说与方术》)。作为一个拥有仙境的创造者和神仙信仰信奉者双重身份相融合的复杂作者,曹唐在游仙诗中赋之以永生不灭的生命、上天入地的神通和凡间贵族式的生活等等取材于现实而又高于现实的显著特征。曹唐在这个用想象力创作出的虚幻境界中倾注了我们这个民族渴望超越一切自然或者人为限制、冲破自身或者外物局限、从而达到自由境界和来到理想彼岸的美好希冀。明白了这个,便就能明白曹唐的“列仙之趣”有着完全不逊色于“坎壈咏怀”的长远理想和由理想展现出的深远意义。
3 道教空间意象的运用
上清派对于道教教义发展的一大贡献就是在继承前人理论基础上,创新性地提出了“洞天”这样一个全新的空间观念。用训诂学的方法来解释,“仙”的本身含义就是人在山中的意思, 《说文》云: “仙······人在山上貌, 从人从山”;《释名·释长幼》云: “老而不死曰仙。仙,迁也,迁入山也,故其制字人旁作山。”葛洪在《抱朴子·金丹》一书中就把华山等十多座名山列为仙山。上清派进一步提出洞天观念。《真诰》卷十一云:“大天之内, 有地中之洞天三十六所。”并附会出位置在名山大川中间,上天派遣群仙作为统治之场所的“十大洞天”、“三十六小洞天”、“七十二福地”等说法。在晚唐时期,上清派相较其他时期更为受重视, 洞天意象前所未有地展示了其吸引世人注意力的方面, 例如首先在晋朝干宝《搜神记》中出现的刘阮天台山遇仙传说, 在中唐时期因为距离盛唐时间不远人们普遍怀抱对盛唐的怀念恍若美梦初醒,再这样的社会心理的影响下,吸引到使人们注意力的是刘阮“既还, 乡邑零落, 已十世矣”这一细节, 表达的是昨是今非的沧桑感。
而在曹唐笔下, 洞天意象成了注意的核心, 其大游仙诗就有《刘阮洞中遇仙子》、《仙子送刘阮出洞》、《仙子洞中有怀刘阮》等篇。其《小游仙诗》更是有意识地展示洞天意象,其洞天意象不限于“洞天”本字,还有其他扩展。如其一:“净扫蓬莱山下路(一作上地),略邀王母话长生。”[1]7346蓬莱本是仙人所居,而“略邀”仙界至高女仙王母,此句是曹唐将自己想象为神仙中人,在远离污糟的仙界空间与首领仙人坐而论道,从而忘却凡俗。如其五:“省得壶中见天地,壶中天地不曾秋。”[1]7346此处“壶”代指“洞天”来源于道教神仙故事中东汉费长房与携壶卖药老人的典故,用意在于希望自己也能和费长房一样能和仙家相遇,在仙家空间有一番奇遇,摆脱现今乱世,从而获得超自然的能力,“悬壶济世”,实现个人理想。如其六:“玄洲草木不知黄,甲子初开浩劫长。”[1]7346“玄洲”又是一个和“洞天”类似的仙境空间,这里四季如春,草木茂盛,没有变黄的时候,而且从世界起源就存在,从来没有受到外界骚扰,曹唐营造出了这样一处时间久远安然自得的胜境,也是希望人世间也能喝这里一样清净自由。如其十五: “朝来洞口围棋了, 赌得青龙值几钱。”[1]7347其十八: “洞里烟霞无歇时, 洞中天地足金芝。”[1]7347其三十二:洞里烟深木叶粗, 乘风使者降玄都, 隔花相见遥相贺, 擎出杯中白玉符。”[1]7348其三十八:“去住楼台一任风, 十三天洞暗相通。”[1]7348其七十二:”洞天云冷玉花发,公子尽披双锦袍。”[1]7350其八十: “玉洞长春风景鲜, 丈人私宴就芝田。”[1]7351其八十五:“云衫玉带好威仪,三洞真人入奏时。频著金鞭打龙角,为嗔西去上天迟。”[1]7351此处的“洞”提示出“真人”所从何来,而且暗含“洞”有等级之分,只有“三洞真人”能够面见仙界之首,这里也被后世道教符箓派引用,其最高职衔就为“三洞真人”。其八十七: “洞里月明琼树风, 画帘青室影朦朦。香残酒冷玉妃睡,不觉七真归海中。”[1]7351这个诗句,“洞”字之外,“海”也是想象空间,《山海经》有言“海外仙境”,道教传说中有“海上三仙山”,这些都被曹唐信手拈来化用为逃离尘世新空间的代名词。此外, 曹唐还有游仙诗《题武陵洞五首》。大量的洞天意象的出现, 足以证实上清派教义思想中的空间观对晚唐游仙诗的直接影响。
(二) 曹唐游仙诗的技法特征
曹唐在青年时代是作为一个道士度过的,这段经历对他游仙诗创作的影响就在于他诗歌的行文和用典极为独特,和其他诗人相比较,多了一层道教修炼养生的旨趣。
1道教典籍与理论的化用
在唐代,上清派是道教派别具有规模大、分布广、信徒多、影响深等区别于其他派别的显著特征。虽然没有明文资料可以确认曹唐的道士生涯是传承主阵地是茅山的上清派,然而在诗文中我们可以看见上清派对曹唐的影响。如《小游仙诗》第十一:“南斗阑珊北斗稀,茅君夜著紫霞衣。”第二十:“清思密谈谁第一,不过邀取小茅君。”都是上清派中的重要人物大茅君茅盈和小茅君茅衷的表现。此外,曹唐也化用上清派重要经典中的句词为己所用,如《小游仙诗》第六十七:“公子闲吟八景文。”[1]7350此处“八景”或来源于上清派重要人物陶弘景《真诰·运象》中的“控飊扇太虚,八景飞高清。”或可以指《黄庭外景玉经》、《黄庭内景玉经》中提到的“八景二十四真”理论。曹唐游仙诗中描写仙境美好大多以“静”为着重点,如“月影悠悠秋树明,露吹犀簟象床轻。”[1]7347,要不就是“一人独处”,如“焚香独自上天坛,桂树风吹玉简寒。”[1]7347总之是要求一个静谧环境,这就是上清派在进行存思术时的“入静”要求相吻合。在安静的氛围中,曹唐静思默想,抛却一切外界杂扰,让想象力插上翅膀,神游太虚。这样创作的游仙诗,想象丰富,充溢作者主观感受,使读者不知不觉便进入和作者一样的氛围之中,这样的文字效果,和《黄庭经》里面的诗化经文“同出而异名”,结果是一样的。
2 虚幻方术与现实经历在句法上的融合
在修炼方术上重视存思术并将其日常宗教手段是上清派区别于其他道教宗派的重要标志。考察上清派主要经典,如《上清黄庭内景经》的经文:“黄庭内人服锦衣,紫华飞裙云气罗。(黄庭章第四)、素锦衣裳黄云带,喘息呼吸体不快。(肺部章第九)、金铃朱带坐婆娑(心部章第十)、身披凤衣衔虎符,一至不久升虚无。(上睹章第十六)”我们可以发现,其中占主要篇幅的是对作为存思对象的人体身神的外貌描摹,而又以服饰为主要观察对象。曹唐游仙诗中对于神仙外貌的描绘也常常以此为着眼点。如小游仙诗第十一:“南斗阑珊北斗稀,茅君夜著紫霞衣。”[1]7346对于茅君的外貌,没有多花笔墨,只是一个“紫霞衣”既点明服饰颜色,又透露出服饰轻柔美丽的观感。再如小游仙诗第二十八:“西汉夫人下太虚,九霞裙幅五云舆。”[1]7348虽然没有直接写出颜色,但是诗句中的“九霞”,不知不觉间就使我们的想象(存思术)伸展飞散开来,我们脑海中立即出现了一个身披九种云霞一样颜色,材料又像是云霞一样飘渺的仙界衣裳的高等级仙人形象。再如小游仙诗第三十:“青锦缝裳绿玉珰,满身新带五云香。”[1]7348这是一处细致的外貌描写,在写出了仙人所穿的服装及其颜色之后,诗人还描写了仙人所佩戴的饰物的颜色、材质和形状,表明他与尘世之物有着区别,和后句“五云香”首尾呼应,展现出了一个高贵而夺人眼球的仙人形象。这样把神仙服饰作为歌咏对象进行一针见血式的精妙刻画,笔者认为是曹唐在熟读上清派经典之后受到的潜移默化的影响,颜色鲜明的服饰往往能够在人的头脑中留下深刻印象,存思方术的修炼在一定程度上就靠着这些重点描写,也可能是曹唐在道士生涯中习练存思术而培养的思维习惯,这就催生了曹唐游仙诗不同于其他游仙诗的特征之一。
曹唐游仙诗在艺术上的特征还有在某些不易为人所注意的地方不知不觉间展露出时代背景风貌及特征,也就是儒家所谓“春秋笔法”,在曹唐游仙诗中就通过这种艺术手法展现了封建社会森严的等级制度。如小游仙诗第二十:“东妃闲著翠霞裙,自领笙歌出五云。”[1]7347和小游仙诗第二十三:“玉皇赐妾紫衣裳,教向桃源嫁阮郎。”[1]7347同样是一件紫色的服装,“东妃”这样的高等级神仙可以“闲著”,也就是她平时所穿着的服装,而“妾”这样的低等级神仙只能通过高等级神仙如“玉皇”的赏赐才能在“嫁阮郎”这样的“仙生”大事中方有资格穿着。一个“闲”一个“赐”,一字之差,却蕴含着如此深厚的含义。另外,服饰制度作为组成封建等级制度重要部分所存在,我们可以从曹唐游仙诗对于仙人服装颜色和配饰的描写中看出仙人身份等级的高下,如小游仙诗第四十一:“酒尽香残夜欲分,青童拜问紫阳君。”[1]7348根据我们熟知的“江州司马青衫湿和句中的“拜”字,我们可以知道在仙界青色和人间官场一样是等级较低的侍童或者下级官员所穿用的,如小游仙诗第十一:“南斗阑珊北斗稀,茅君夜著紫霞衣。”[1]7346小游仙诗第九十六:“八海风凉水影高,上卿教制赤霜袍。”[1]7352紫色是上层神仙所用的服装颜色,如小游仙诗第五十:“太一元君昨夜过,碧云高髻绾婆娑。手抬玉策红于火,敲断金鸾使唱歌。”[1]7349再如小游仙诗第九十七:“红龙锦襜黄金勒,不是元君不得骑。”[1]7352红色是“太一元君”这样的仙界统治者才能使用在服装配饰甚至是坐骑上的颜色,其地位如同人间帝王的黄色,不可僭越,这分明就是人间俗世主要功能就是用于分别身份等级和高下贵贱的服舆文化在仙界的投影。然而在这样看似不可逾越的鸿沟之下,为了完美神仙世界的营造,曹唐还将人世间凡人的温情和“恻隐之心”融入到以往游仙诗中高不可攀的神仙形象中去,表达出诗人本人的超现实理想,如小游仙诗第七十六:“彤阁钟鸣碧鹭飞,皇君催熨紫霞衣。丹房玉女心慵甚,贪看投壶不肯归。”[1]7351仙界公事在即,高等级仙人的衣服居然还要自己来亲自催促,仙界侍女因为娱乐擅离职守,没有做好自己应该做的事情,还不必担心受到惩罚,从字面上看是主奴关系实际上却是类似慈父和爱女,这是将人间生活中的“人情味”进行超现实的加倍放大,是对仙界生活的世俗化夸张。曹唐游仙诗中这样的表现,其原因必然不只是以《真灵位业图》为代表的道教等级观,通过对其生平考察,他在道士还俗后“屡举进士不第”的经历可以知道曹唐是一个受道教和儒家双重思想影响的多面性人物,其人生态度并没有因为道士经历而超脱世外,而是积极入世,希望通过科举考试的途径进入仕途。这种高远志向在曹唐为数不多的送别诗中也有体现,如《送康祭酒赴轮台》:
“灞水桥边酒一杯,送君千里赴轮台。
霜粘海眼旗声冻,风射犀文甲缝开。
断碛簇烟山似米,野营轩地鼓如雷。
分明会得将军意,不斩楼兰不拟回。”[1]7343
首联写送行场景,颔联写边塞战争状况,颈联描摹边塞景色和士兵生活,尾联点明主旨,写“康祭酒”与“将军”,共同抗击以“楼兰”为代称的外寇侵犯。“楼兰”典故出自《汉书•傅介子传》中傅介子计斩楼兰王建立战功,用在此处,表面上是表达对“康祭酒”此次出塞能够获取战功的美好愿望,实际上还是对自己的激励。曹唐一生沉沦下僚,与傅介子出使西域之前一样只是小官,然而傅介子用计斩楼兰王收服西域立下战功,得以封侯,曹唐不甘只为小吏,羡慕傅介子并以他为目标立下志向,渴望通过自身努力达到人生巅峰。为了得到他人赏识,曹唐利用了他曾为道士的不俗经历和道教为唐朝国教的良好环境,创作了了大量展现出他丰富想象力和奇绝创造力的游仙诗,构建了一个才华充溢、道骨仙气的诗人身份,希望能够凭借此进入仕途。在游仙诗方面苦心经营了一个以世俗世界为蓝本的神仙世界和原本诗人身份的互相杂糅,展现出曹唐儒家入世为里,道教出世为表,汲汲功名和追慕仙人两方面都兼而有之的诗人人格。这也就是曹唐游仙诗独特艺术风格的形成原因。
3罕见炼养典故的自然入诗
通过对曹唐游仙诗用典的深切探究,我们可以得出这样的一个结论:曹唐使用这些典故,在表面意思之外,更多是道教含义,尤其是修炼方面。如其二十八:“天上鸡鸣海日红,青腰侍女扫朱宫。”[1]7348后句“青腰”意为“青要”,来源于《六甲灵飞经》中“东方青要之宫”;如其五:“金殿无人锁绛烟,玉郎并不赏丹田。”[1]7346中金殿绛烟采用的是上清派存思紫烟之法;如其二:“上元元日豁明堂,五帝望空拜玉皇。”[1]7346五帝拜玉皇,此为五脏万神朝泥丸君。因此处为宗教范围,不在文学讨论之内,故不再研究。
曹唐对游仙诗的发展
曹唐是一位凭借游仙诗创作进入诗歌王国并最终因此载入史册的诗人,他在游仙诗创作方面取得的成就使得他对游仙诗的发展产生了无可取代的积极作用。下文将具体阐释这一过程。
() 曹唐丰富了游仙诗的内容
曹唐之前的游仙诗在内容方面,大多是对人物或者以及的描写,或者是借仙界事物抒发个人情感,占据较大篇幅的还是对人物景物外貌状态具体而单纯的描绘。由于描写对象是实际上不存在于现实中的想象物和这些想象物的特征缺失以及人类想象力的重合性,读者们只能得到一个模糊化的印象,这些诗作也存在着特征单一化和形象概念化的先天不足。最早注意到这一点的李善在《文选注》对郭璞《游仙诗七首》评价道:“凡游仙之篇,皆所以滓秽尘网,锱铢缨绂,餐霞倒景,饵玉玄都。”也就是说游仙诗就单独一篇来看,确实用语言瑰美、想象奇妙,但是从总体上看,就会发现每篇都是一样的套路和风格,给人以雷同之感。为了规避这一不足,曾经为道士的曹唐便将目光转移到了道教的神仙传说之上。曹唐游仙诗中《汉武帝将候西王母下降》、《汉武帝于宫中宴西王母》便是脱胎于在不论在道教神仙体系还是道教神仙传说中有着重要地位的西王母。《庄子•大宗师》云:“西王母得之(道),坐乎少广。莫知其始,莫知所终。”“莫知其始,莫知其终。”是说西王母长生不死。《穆天子传》云:“西王母为天子谣曰:白云在天,山陵自出。道里悠远,山川间之。将子无死,尚能复来。”郭璞注:“将,请也。”则西王母能够赐予人年岁,使人长生。《淮南子•览冥训》:“羿请不死之药于西王母,姮娥窃之以奔月。”汉武帝时司马相如《大人赋》提到西王母时说:“必长生若此而不死兮,虽济万世不足以忧。”西王母长生不死的形象和赐予人长生不老的能力与道教希冀长生久视的目标相契合。曹唐用诗歌形式将《汉武故事》、《汉武帝内传》及六朝小说中汉武帝与西王母的常见情节重新演绎,以优美绝伦引人入胜的场景描写代替过往传统中直白显露的赠桃情节,彰显出道教作为宗教的神秘性一面,如“树影悠悠花悄悄,若闻箫管是行踪。”(《汉武帝将候西王母下降》)。同时也用这些美妙的在当时的社会生活中难以体验甚至无法得到的意象引导人们进入道教虚幻的想象世界,用这样的方法麻醉自己,忘却残酷的社会现实,心灵得到一时半刻的平静和安宁,如“秋风袅袅月朗朗,玉女清歌一夜阑。”(《汉武帝于宫中宴西王母》)。也有一种美好的寓意,希望像他这样挣扎在乱世中的人能够像汉武帝一样遇上西王母,摆脱困境。另外,曹唐在游仙诗创作中,对其他道教神仙传说运用其高超的艺术创作能力,开创新的角度来描写,从而使得传统故事焕发出新的艺术生机。如《仙子洞中有怀刘阮》:“晓露风灯零落尽,此生无处访刘郎。”以往传说只是记述刘阮欲再遇仙子而不得的懊丧,曹唐从仙子角度,写出了仙子对于刘阮的念念不舍,使读者有之前从未有过的阅读感受,从而体会到诗人描绘的仙界生动灵活,印象更加深刻。
() 曹唐转变了游仙诗主题的方向
曹唐之前的游仙诗主题是充满宗教色彩和神秘学意识的,主张摆脱喧嚣肮脏的现实社会,对神仙和仙界的宁静安详和垂拱无为展开追求,羡慕清洁无垢的虚幻世界,盼望升仙,永生不老。表现的是一种超越现实的甚至是超理想的对外物和自身极致自由的渴望之情。
这一传自唐朝伊始便已经转向,而曹唐更是将这一转向发展到了极致。套用传统游仙诗的体裁,将出世仙人逸情反向转化为入世男女俗情,顺应社会时尚大篇幅描写人间化了的神仙嬉游剧为重点。在曹唐游仙诗中,“仙人”已经不再是之前的男女统称,而是作为女性,特别是美丽的女性专指。“遗情更说何珍重,擘破云鬟金凤皇。”(《玉女杜兰香下嫁于张硕》),“每悲驭鹤身难任,长恨临霞语未终。”、“蓝丝重勒金条脱,留与人间许侍中。”(《萼绿华将归九疑留别许真人》),“晓露风灯零落尽,此生无处访刘郎。”(《仙子洞中有怀刘阮》)将这些诗句与曹唐生活的社会背景联系起来考察,这里的“游仙”不仅仅指字面意义上的游览仙境,同时也包括了更深层次的与仙人交友嬉戏,共同出游。曹唐认为道人的生活虚无缥缈忘却烦恼远离尘世,仙家之内涵男情女爱无所顾忌。游仙诗表面写“游仙”之事,实际上写的是与女冠之事,用以排遣内心苦闷之感。再如这篇《张硕重寄杜兰香》,诗作的本事故事是最早见于东晋曹毗《神女杜兰香传》的杜兰香事,曹唐将此事用游仙诗的形式呈现出来。在这首诗中,张硕与杜兰香不像是以前故事里面的仙凡差别至大的一对,反而如同人间的小儿女,寄送书信来表达自己的倾慕之情。只是和其他不同的是在这里,他们两个中间的阻碍并不是来自双方家庭的反对,而是因为仙界和凡间距离之远。相隔万里不能同相爱之人相见,和唐代爱情传奇中的痴男怨女何其相似。
曹唐游仙诗主要内容是古代神话传说,如《织女怀牵牛》以:“北斗佳人双泪流,眼穿肠断为牵牛。”开始,以“欲将心向(一作就)仙郎说,借问榆花早晚秋。”这样处理,和之前例如李商隐同题材的游仙诗《辛未七夕》:“岂能无意酬乌鹊,惟与蜘蛛乞巧丝。”相比,语言方面真切近乎俗语;主题的表达方面李诗婉转曲折,曹诗直截了当;主题方面李商隐大量使用隐藏比喻,使得主题有着偏僻晦涩的精神风格,表达的虽然也是人间爱情,然而却回荡着一丝宗教的虚无缥缈之意,反观曹唐却是流露出内心深处追求永生极致自由而又贪恋世间俗情欢愉的“世俗之心”,因而他才将大量笔墨用于仙界炫目辉煌世间不可得的神奇事物和令人嫉妒的生活,在让人觉得“世俗”的基础上能够悄然感受到蕴含其中的“真”。
结论
曹唐的游仙诗能够在诗坛上称雄的原因除了庞大的数量外,其鲜明的特点也使得他在游仙诗发展史上有一席之地。不仅是在曹唐所处的那个时代,接受度和影响力甚至挣脱了时间的桎梏,一直到今时今日都有流传。可以这样毫不夸张地说,曹唐是在晋朝郭璞之后,真正意义上的第一位也是最后一位凭借游仙诗这样一种独特的诗歌体裁攀登绝顶、闻名于世的诗人。就曹唐在游仙诗创作和发展历史上来看,曹唐的游仙诗因为具有唐代盛行的格律诗体制完善精致的优点,足够和郭璞古拙朴素的游仙诗平分秋色。更难能可贵的是,曹唐是一位以西南籍诗人身份在以北方中原诗人为主体的唐朝诗坛而占有自己的一席之地,更加值得重视和深入研究。
参考文献
[1]彭定求等.全唐诗[M].北京:中华书局,1960.
[2](南宋)严羽撰,郭绍虞校释.沧浪诗话校释[M].北京:人民文学出版社.1983.
[3]程千帆.郭景纯、曹尧宾游仙诗辨异[A],古诗考索[M].上海:上海古籍出版社,1984.
[4]任半塘.唐戏弄[M].上海:上海古籍出版社,1984.
[5]施蜇存.唐诗百话[M].上海:上海古籍出版社,1987.
[6]唐亦璋.神仙思想与游仙诗的研究[J]淡江学报,1976(4).
[7]吴文治.中国文学史大事年表(上册)[M].合肥:黄山书社.1987.
[8]梁超然.晚唐桂林诗人曹唐考略,广西师范大学学报[J]、1989(4).
[9]陈继明.曹唐诗注[M].上海:上海古籍出版社,1996.
[10]黄南津.曹邺曹唐诗歌用韵考[J].广西教育学院学报,1996(2).
[11]陈志强.曹邺曹唐诗歌用韵再考,广西教育学院学报1999(1).
[12]李乃龙.论曹唐小游仙诗的文学意义[J].广西社会科学.1998(6).
[13]柏秀叶.曹唐大游仙诗的叙事特色探析[J].重庆工商大学学报。2005(4)、
[14]赵洪奎、曹唐诗歌简论[J].学术论坛,2005(4).
[15]陆文军.从游仙到遇艳— — 小论曹唐及其大游仙诗,玉溪师范学院学报2005(4).
[16]卢晓辉.浅析曹唐游仙诗的内容特色[J].昭通师范高等专科学校学报,2006(1).
[17]李永平高慧.晚唐曹唐游仙诗中的仙洞原型— —兼及历史演进中的乌托邦定势[J].宁夏社会科学,2006(3)
[18]李丰桥.曹唐小游仙诗的神仙世界初探[A],第二届国际唐代学术会议论文集[M].台北:文津出版社,1993.
[19]李丰赫.忧与游—— 六朝隋唐游仙诗论集[M].台北:学生书局,1996
[20]颜进雄.唐代游仙诗研究[M].台北:文津出版社,1996.

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keytam
关于 道德经 理解上的小问题
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在《德经》第四十二章中,有以下这句话↓↓↓

万物负阴而抱阳,冲气以为和。

现在 对它有很多解释

万物背阴而向阳,然后让阴阳二气的互相激荡而成新的和谐体
(虽然我水平不高 但我还是觉得万物背阴而向阳”有点绝对︿( ̄︶ ̄)︿

世间万物有阴亦有阳,世间万物用“冲气”来让阴阳融洽 (注:“冲气”这个东西,按照后世阴阳家和道家的演绎,就是位于八卦那个区分黑白两个界面的那条线,也就是说,这个“冲”是阴阳的缓冲地带和过度区域。冲气是可以转化为“阳气”和“阴气”起到平衡和调节阴阳的作用。

世间万物有阴亦有阳,阴就是阳,阳就是阴。“冲气以为和”只是一个例子,说的是激荡的“气”也可以是平和的“气”。
也就是说“冲气”不是第三者(Σ( ° △ °|||)︴)。
(关于这一点 这是楼猪自己突发奇想的 错了别拍(==)

以下是《德经》第四十二章全文↓↓↓

道生一,一生二,二生三,三生万物。
万物负阴而抱阳,冲气以为和。
人之所恶,唯孤、寡、不谷,而王公以为称。
故物或损之而益,或益之而损。
人之所教,我亦教之。
“强梁者不得其死”,吾将以为教父。

如果各位大神有什么高见,就请不要客气,发表一下吧!(鞠躬)

ps:很少发帖,版面有点乱su mi ma sen(。・_・。)ノ

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opheliascarlett
【印度哲学】关于梵
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我并没有系统的学过印度哲学,最近因为很多原因开始自己接触印度教

梵这个概念,觉得它比logos还有道的概念都要复杂得多啊,虽说一开始看的时候觉得这三个是可以相等的,然而梵它又和达摩之类的概念分开,而logos和道,尤其是道应该是包含了道德准则在里面的吧

然后还有变与不变的问题,logos和道都在变与不变直接存在争议,然而感觉梵是基本倾向于不变的,变的是达摩……

唔……以上是目前为止自己浅薄的理解,请懂的大大不吝指教

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难得尽兴
柏拉图式的浪漫以及一直以来的误解
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本帖最后由 难得尽兴 于 2016-3-16 20:56 编辑

[postbg]3.jpg[/postbg]日常生活中谈到“柏拉图式的爱情”一般都指以下两种意义。

1.理想式的爱情观

根本无法实现的爱情观

2.纯精神无肉体的爱情观

追求心灵的沟通而鄙于肉欲

因此“柏拉图式的爱情”常被用于讽刺意味。

无论是理想式的爱情观还是纯精神无肉体的爱情观在现在人看来都很可笑。

而事实上这两种看法都是误解,

第一种误解来自于柏拉图的著作《理想国》,第二种误解来自柏拉图的形而上学,这里就不多说了,不过既然大家都这样用,这也算是个意义了。

柏拉图的爱情观事实上是这样的:

1.双方平等的

爱情具有平等性,不存在依附或占有关系

2.完美

认为这世上有且仅有一个人, 对你而言, 他是完美的, 而且仅对你而言是完美的

3.自由

爱需要有足够的空间和时间,才能茁壮的成长

这才是柏拉图式的浪漫啊。

番外

实际上按照会饮篇的理论而言,

柏拉图式的爱情主要是指一个同性之间的爱情,这和当时希腊风气相关。

希腊学者认为同性之间的爱情才是真正属天的爱情,而异性的婚姻制度不过是为了社会的建构。

而现今柏拉图式爱情已经扭曲成精神爱情,基本上是断章取义只是形容男女之间的爱恋,

而这个正是因为现代社会对于同性恋的排斥。

——摘自百度百科

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萧寒羽
推荐一款免费且好用的文史检索软件——国学大师
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荷卷卷
《中华文明史·第一卷》各章节体系框架【自列】
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本帖最后由 荷卷卷 于 2016-1-31 16:02 编辑

我来挖坑@98#

以下是此书的简单介绍

  • 《中华文明史》
  • 出版时间:2006-4
  • 出版社:北京大学出版社
  • 作者:袁行霈[等]主编

内容概要:

本书是北京大学国学研究院组织撰写的一部多学科融合的学术著作。突现文明史既是人类的创造史,也是人类的演进史这一观点,将物质文明、政治丈明和精神文明,分别对应人与自然的关系、人类社会的组织方式以及人的心灵世界,展示其错综复杂的关系,做出总体性的描述,以突出中华民族的创造力以及中华文明生生不息的过程。本书将中华文明分为四个时期,以中华文明史上重大的转型作为分期的依据,细致地描绘了各个时期文明的特点、亮点,及其承上启下的关系,彰显那些对文明发展做出重大贡献的人物,探讨对文明发展起关键作用的各种因素。从而全面论述了中华文明发展的历程,揭示了若干发展规律和历史经验。本书力图将中华文明放到世界格局中进行考察,写出中华文名在世界文明进程中所处的地位在论述中充分注意文物考古资料与文献资料的结合,力求史笔、议论、才情三者相结合。

就我个人看来,这是一本非常好的入门历史读物,历史脉络清晰,并不是单纯的按时间顺序讲述历史事件,更侧重历史背后的经济政治文化因素,培养读者的历史全局观念。这本书深得我心,闲来无事就在读书的时候就在阅读的时候整理了每一节的框架结构,相信这能对自己有所裨益,也希望这个帖子能成为自己对自己的一个督促。

因为没有找到好用的软件,所以暂时会以拍照的方式将框架体系发布,希望各路技术宅能安利给我一款好用的软件

会坚持。

PS

1.作为历史门外汉,相信会有不足之处,欢迎指正。

2.暂时没有找到pdf版,找到之后我会放上来

3.欢迎与我讨论,但请不要回复诸如“看看”、“挺好”、“历史很不错”、“谢谢楼主推荐”之类毫无意义且无法引起讨论的回帖,善用点评,谢谢。

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